Departmental imaging requirements Essay Example for Free

Departmental imaging requirements Essay Introduction Diagnosing, staging, and re-staging of cancer, as well as the monitoring and planning of cancer treatment, has traditionally relied on anatomic imaging like computed tomography (CT) and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI). Spatially accurate medical imaging is an essential tool in three dimensional conformal radiation therapy (3DCRT) and intensity-modulated radiation therapy (IMRT) treatment planning. CT imaging is the standard imaging modality for image based radiation treatment planning (RTP). CT images provide anatomical information on the size and location of tumors in the body. They also provide electron density information for heterogeneity-based patient dose calculation. The major limitation of the CT imaging process is soft tissue contrast, which is overcome by using contrast agents or using another anatomical imaging modality like MRI. One of the disadvantages of anatomical imaging techniques like CT and MRI is its inability to characterize the tumor. Tumors need to be characterized whether they are benign or malignant and if malignant it would be helpful to know whether the proliferation is slow or fast. Necrotic, scar, and inflammatory tissue often cannot be differentiated from malignancy based on anatomic imaging alone. Anatomical imaging has high sensitivity for detection of structural changes, but a low specificity for further characterization of these abnormalities. Single photon emission computed tomography and positron emission tomography (PET) are imaging techniques that provide information on physiology rather than anatomy. These modalities have been used for evaluation of tumor metabolism, differentiation between tumor reoccurrence and radiation necrosis, detection of hypoxic areas of the tumor, and other functional imaging. Radiation treatment planning requires an accurate location of the tumor and the normal tissue and also knowledge of the size of the tumor for contouring the treatment volume. Although PET provides necessary functional information for RTP, it has a few limitations. The spatial resolution of PET is too poor to give accurate quantitative information. The greatest limitation in using PET for RTP is its lack of anatomical information. This limitation of PET is overcome by evaluating PET and CT images together. Fused PET and CT images give better diagnostic evaluation than PET or CT images used alone (Bar-Shalom et al, 2003; Cohade Wahl, 2003). But fusion of PET and CT images are meaningful only when they are correctly spatially registered. Hence a proper spatial registration is required for accurate delineation of tumor volume. The necessity of accurate spatial registration of fused images requires different fusion techniques for different image datasets. Software fusion and hardware fusion are the two different approaches considered by the scientific community (Townsend et al, 2003; Townsend et al, 2002). Software fusion approaches use different transformation algorithms to fuse different modality images acquired at different times. The transformation algorithms are classified as rigid and non-rigid transformation algorithms. They are based on whether they fuse images of rigid-body (e. g. , head) or non rigid (e. g. , abdomen) objects (Patton, 2001; Yap, 2002). Although software fusion gives better diagnostic information than using separate images, physicians may not rely on the information if the fused images were acquired at different times. Also the chances of a change in patient position are high for image acquisition done at different times. The hardware approach of image fusion is headed towards designing a single imaging system to acquire simultaneously the different image modalities required. Hardware fusion is partially achieved by construction of a hybrid PET/CT scanner (Beyer et al, 2000; Townsend et al, 2004) which acquires different modalities sequentially. These hybrid scanners are two separate scanners enabled to operate in sequence one after another to acquire the different image modality datasets in a single imaging session. Although hybrid scanners do not give a true hardware fusion and have not proven to be a better fusion technique scientifically (Kalabbers et al, 2002), they have gained popularity for image acquisition in a single session. Due to reduced scan time and patient motion, PET/CT is considered reliable among the oncology community. These hybrid PET/CT scanners, due to reduced scan time and reliable registration of PET and CT datasets, are becoming common in RTP. A PET image fused with a CT image can be used in treatment planning to eliminate geographic misses of the tumor and escalation of dose to the hypermetabolic aspects of a tumor. Fused images improve the accuracy in staging of lymph nodes. Although the use of PET/CT in RTP is growing at a fast pace, little research has been done in the direction of validating the PET/CT datasets for RTP. Discussion CT images describe the electronic density distribution of cross sections of the patient anatomy. CT systems provide gray scale display of linear attenuation coefficients that closely relate to the density of the tissue. CT imaging evolved from conventional planar radiographs. In planar X-ray film imaging the three dimensional anatomy of the patient is reduced to a two dimensional attenuation projection image and the depth information of the structures are lost. In CT imaging several attenuation projection images for a volume of tissue are acquired at different angles. These sets of projection images are reconstructed by filtered back projection algorithm to generate two dimensional attenuation cross-section of anatomy of the patient. The attenuation measurement for a CT detector element is given by Equation 1 and Equation 2. Equation 1 represents attenuation measurement for homogenous object and Equation 2 represent attenuation measurement for inhomogeneous (heterogeneous) objects. _ P(x) =1n [I0] = ? x ? (1) __ _ I x _ _ _ P(x) = 1n [I0] = x d x ? (2) __ L _ I x In the above equation P(x) is the measured projection data for attenuation along the x direction. Io is the intensity of the x-ray beam measured without the patient in the way for that detector element. This is also known as a blank scan. I (x) is the measured intensity after attenuation by the patient.? (x) is the measured attenuation coefficient as a function of location in the patient. A CT scanner positions a rotating x-ray tube and detector on opposite sides of the patient to acquire projection images. Early CT scanners used pencil beams of x-rays and a combination of translation and rotation motion to acquire projection images (Bushberg et al, 1994). Modern CT scanners have a stationary or rotating detector array with a rotating fan beam x-ray tube. There are also two types of scanning: axial and helical CT scanning. In axial scanning the patient is moved step by step acquiring sets of projection images for each slice. In helical scanning the patient table moves continuously while the x-ray tube acquires a series of projection images. The projection images are acquired for a helical path around the patient. In helical scanning to reconstruct a cross-sectional planar image, the helical data is interpolated to give axial plane projection data before reconstruction. By removing the time to index the table between slices the total scan time of the patient is reduced. Also reconstruction can be done for any slice thickness after acquiring the data. This helical scanning is available in most of the current CT scanners. The reconstructed CT image is a two dimensional matrix of numbers, with each pixel corresponding to a spatial location in the image and in the patient. Usually the matrix is 512 pixels wide and 512 pixels tall covering a 50 cm x 50 cm field of view. The numeric value in each pixel represents the attenuation coefficient as a gray level in the CT image. These numbers are called Hounsfield units or CT numbers. The reconstruction process generates a matrix of Hounsfield units which give the linear attenuation values normalized to the attenuation of water. This normalization is given by Equation 3. CT Number (HU) = 1000 (? pixel ? water) ____________ ?water CT number gives an indication of the type of tissue. Water has a CT number of zero. Negative CT numbers are typical for air spaces, lung tissues and fatty tissue. Values of ? pixel greater than ? water correspond to other soft tissues and bone. Radiologists occasionally make critical diagnostic decisions based on CT number of particular regions of interest. Also attenuation values given by CT numbers are used to calculate the dose delivered to the tumor in RTP. CT number is an important parameter in CT images which must be frequently checked for accuracy. Positron emission tomography (PET) imaging generates images that depict the distribution of positron emitting radionuclide in the patient body. PET imaging often uses the F-18 fluorodeoxyglucose (FDG) radioactive tracer to track increased glucose metabolic activity of tumor cells and to provide images of the whole body distribution of FDG. When the positron is emitted by the radioactive tracer it annihilates with an electron to generate two 511 kev photons emitted in nearly opposite directions. These photons interact with the ring of detector elements surrounding the patient. If both the emitted photons are detected then the point of annihilation lies on the line joining the points of detection. This line joining the points of detection is known as the line of response (LOR). The circuit used by the scanner to record the detector interactions occurring at the same time is called coincidence circuitry. This whole process is called annihilation coincidence detection. Thus a PET scanner uses annihilation coincidence detection instead of mechanical collimation like gamma cameras to acquire projections of activity distribution in the patient. Projections acquired at different angles are reconstructed using iterative algorithms to generate cross-sectional images of activity distribution. The annihilation coincidence detection process allows many false events to be acquired. Corrections are necessary for these false events before the projections are reconstructed. The total events acquired are classified as trues, random and scatter. A true coincidence is simultaneous interactions occurring in the detectors resulting from emissions occurring in the same nuclear transformation. Random coincidences occur when emissions from different nuclear transformations interact in coincidence with the surrounding detectors. Scatter coincidence occurs when one or both photons from annihilation is scattered in the patient body and interact with the detector to give a false LOR. The acquired annihilation events need to be corrected for random and scatter events. Random coincidence events along any LOR may be directly measured using the delayed coincidence method (Levin, 2003). The delayed coincidence method uses two coincidence circuits. The first circuit measures both true and random coincidence events. The second circuit has a delay of several hundred microseconds inserted into the coincidence window, so all true coincidences are thrown out of coincidence. The counts measured in the second circuit are subtracted from the first to give true counts. Scatter correction is done for the projection data by model-based scatter estimation (Levin, 2003). The scatter correction factor is estimated by mathematical models and applied to the projection data before reconstruction. Image fusion was initially achieved by software fusion of anatomical and functional images. Software fusion was generally successful with brain and rigid body volumes. It encountered significant difficulties when fusing images of the rest of the body. Alignment algorithms fail to converge the two image sets due to problems of patient movement or discrepancies in patient positioning between two scans. Also involuntary movements of internal organs arise when patient are imaged on different scanners and at different times. Dual modality PET/CT imaging is a combination of imaging technologies helping to acquire accurately aligned anatomical and functional images in the same scanning session. Also an additional advantage of the combined PET/CT scanner is the use of CT images for attenuation correction. CT images can be scaled in energy and used to correct the PET data for attenuation effects (Kinahan et al, 2003; Kinahan et al, 1998). Dual-modality PET/CT was first built at the University of Pittsburgh in collaboration with CTI (Knoxville, TN) and Siemens Medical Solutions (Hoffman Estates, IL), combining separate PET and CT scanning devices into one device. The PET/CT prototype consisted of a rotating partial ring PET system and a single slice CT scanner mounted on the same rotating support. The CT scanner combined with PET often uses helical scanning CT to enable fast patient throughput, but new scanners with both helical and axial scanning are available now. The CT data is usually acquired first, followed by PET acquisition. There are typically two separate acquisition processing units for CT and PET, and an integrated display workstation. The acquired CT and PET datasets are sending to the reconstruction processing unit for reconstruction. Reconstructed images are fused in the fusion workstation. CT and PET images can also be separately viewed in the workstation. The protocol for PET/CT imaging starts with patient preparation. 5 – 15 mCi of FDG is injected into the patient 45 – 60 min before the start of image acquisition. After 45 min, the glucose circulates through the body; the patient gets ready for image acquisition by emptying the bladder. The patient is positioned on the table for an initial topogram. The topogram is used to select the scan range for PET/CT image acquisition. The scan range is selected as a number of bed positions. Once the image acquisition region is selected in the topogram, the helical CT scan is done first; it takes around 30 sec to acquire one bed position. After completion of the CT portion, the scanner bed is moved to the PET starting position and the emission scan is started. The emission scan duration per bed position varies with the detector technology used. With conventional bismuth germinate oxyorthosilicate (BGO) system, acquisition times will range from 5 to 8 minutes per bed position. The new lutetium oxyorthosilicate (LSO) technology reduces emission scans to 3 to 5 minutes per bed position (Humm et al, 2003). The CT data are used to perform attenuation correction. Image reconstruction is completed a few minutes after the PET image acquisition is completed. Since the CT data is used for attenuation correction, the total scan duration for a PET/CT scanner is shorter than that for stand-alone PET scanner, because the CT acquisition is much faster than a conventional PET transmission acquisition. Conclusion. To conclude, Positron Emission Tomography/Computerized Tomography (PET/CT) is an imaging test that produces high resolution pictures of the body’s biological functions and anatomic structures. These images show body metabolism and other functions rather than simply the gross anatomy and structure revealed by a standard CT or MRI scan. This is important because functional changes are often present before obvious structural changes in tissues are evident. PET/CT imaging can uncover abnormalities that might otherwise go undetected. For example, PET/CT can determine the presence and extent of tumors unseen by other imaging techniques, or detect Alzheimer’s disease one to two years before the diagnosis would be made with certainty by your primary doctor. PET/CT is believed to be the most accurate imaging test available to evaluate lung cancer, colon cancer, breast cancer, melanoma, lymphoma, head and neck cancer, and esophageal cancer. In published research studies, PET has been shown to have an approximately 90% accuracy in many of these cancer types. PET is the most accurate imaging test available to determine the presence of a dementia process such as Alzheimer’s disease. PET is also the most accurate test available to evaluate patients who have had a previous heart attack and are being considered for a procedure to improve blood flow to the injured heart muscle. References Bar-Shalom, R. ; Yefremov, N. ; Guralnik, L. ; Gaitini, D. ; Frenkel, A. ; Kuten, A. ; Altman, H. ; Keidar, Z. ; Israel, O. 2003. Clinical performance of PET/CT in evaluation of cancer: Additional value for diagnostic imaging and patient management. Journal of Nuclear Medicine, Vol. (44. ): 1200-1209. Beyer, T. ; Townsend, D. W; Brun, T. ; Kinahan, P. E; Charron, M. ; Roddy, R. ; Young, J. ; Byars, L. ; Nutt, R. A. 2000. Combined PET/CT scanner for clinical oncology. Journal of Nuclear Medicine, Vol (41):1369-1379. Bushberg, J. T; Seibert, J. A; Leidholdt Jr. , E. M; Boone, J. M. 1994. Essential of Physics of Imaging (2nd Edition). Williams and Wilkins, Baltimore. Cohade, C. ; Wahl, R. L. 2003. Application of positron emission tomography/computed tomography image fusion in clinical positron emission tomography-Clinical use, Interpretation methods, diagnostic improvements. Seminars in Nuclear Medicine, Vol (XXXIII): 228-237. Humm, J. L; Rosenfeld, A; Guerra, A. D. 2003. From PET detectors to PET scanners. Eurpoean Journal of Nuclear Medicine and Molecular imaging, Vol (30): 1574-1597. Kalabbers, B. M; De Munck, J. C. ; Slotman, B. J; Bree, R. D; Hoekstra, O. S; Boellaard, R. ; Lammertsma, A. A. 2002. Matching PET and CT scans of the head and neck area: Development of method and validation. Medical Physics, Vol (29), 2230-2238. Kinahan, P. E; Hasegawa, B. H; Beyer, T. 2003. X-Ray based attenuation correction for positron emission tomography/computed tomography scanners. Seminars in Nuclear Medicine, Vol (XXXIII): 166-179. Kinahan, P. E; Townsend, D. W; Beyer, T. ; Sashin, D. 1998. Attenuation correction for a combined 3D PET/CT scanner. Medical Physics, Vol (25): 2046-2053. Levin, C. S. 2003. Data Correction Methods and Image reconstruction algorithms for positron emission tomography. AAPM meeting. Continuing education, San Diego. Patton, J. 2001. Image Fusion in Nuclear Medicine – PET/CT. Abstract ID: 7192, AAPM Annual Meeting, Salt Lake City. Townsend, D. W; Beyer, T. ; Blodgett, T. M. 2003. PET/CT scanners: A Hardware approach to Image Fusion. Seminars in Nuclear Medicine, Vol (XXXIII): 193-204. Townsend, D. W; Beyer, T. 2002. A combined PET/CT scanner: the path to true image fusion. The British Journal of Radiology, Special issue Vol (25): S24-S30. Townsend, D. W; Carney, J. P. J; Yap, J. T; Hall, N. C. 2004. PET/CT today and tomorrow. Journal of Nuclear Medicine, Vol (45): 4S-14S. Yap, J. T. 2002. Image Reconstruction and Image fusion (PET/CT). Abstract ID: 8391, AAPM Meeting Abstract ID: 8391, Montreal. Zaidi, H. ; Hasegawa, B. 2003. Determination of the attenuation map in emission tomography. Journal of Nuclear Medicine, Vol (44):291-315.

The Welcome Ceremony: A Role :: essays research papers fc

The Welcome Ceremony is performed when visitors entering a village where they are expected usually find the ali'i and faipule waiting for them either outside or within a house. If the occasion is a very formal one, the whole village may have assembled in its various groups, matai, Pastors of different denominations, Women's Committee in distinctive uniforms, schools and young men and women. In this case, a arch of welcome will probably also have been constructed. The meeting house (fale fono) and other houses set aside for the adjustment of the party, are almost certain to have been carefully and beautifully decorated with leaves and flowers. In search of our topic, â€Å"The Welcome Ceremony,† also known in Samoan,†Usuga,† we put together the three categories that were given to us. We, as a group wanted our topic to relate to the theme, so we elaborated on our topic,† The Welcome Ceremony: A Role In Communication Between Different Villages, Environments and Agriculture.† Our topic if shortened,† The Welcome Ceremony,† is a ceremony performed to welcome visitors, its performed with hospitality, honor and respect. Most visitors find this ceremony pleasing and delightful. They admire the customs used, for instance: the sitting positions, the cultural greetings with High Rank Samoan Chiefs and Pastors(Faifeau) of different denomination and then manners taken place during the ceremony. We carried out our research by gathering sources from primary and secondary sources. We planned and gathered our sources with patience. Source of research were of interviews, internet access and brief readings. The category chosen to carry out our topic is, a Group Performance. Why a group performance? We want people to know and see in their own visual aid how the ceremony is performed. We also want to state for a fact that our generation knows what the ceremony is and the process of the performance. The topic being brought to life by the performers tells or sends the audience a message, telling them that we, the presenters, are interested in our topic. It also sends a message to the newcomers that our generation is bringing back the true meaning of our culture. We are reviving our Samoan culture. By doing so, we picked the performance category to show what we understand about our topic. The welcome ceremony: a role of communication between different villages, environments and agricultures; to us, it has a great relationship to this years theme. The Welcome ceremony has a lot of communicating actions and reactions.

Freund

Creating Deviance Rules: A Macroscopic Model Author(s): Ronald J. Troyer and Gerald E. Markle Source: The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Spring, 1982), pp. 157-169 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Midwest Sociological Society Stable URL: http://www. jstor. org/stable/4106327 Accessed: 16/11/2009 09:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www. jstor. org/page/info/about/policies/terms. jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www. jstor. org/action/showPublisher? publisherCode=black. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email  protected] org. Blackwell Publishing and Midwest Sociological Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Sociological Quarterly. http://www. jstor. org The SociologicalQuarterly (Spring1982):157-169 23 Deviance Rules: Creating A Macroscopic Model* RonaldJ. Troyer,Drake University GeraldE. Markle,Western MichiganUniversity In this paperwe proposea macrolevel the modelfor analyzing creationof deviance rules. We begin by placingthe phenomenon withinthe contextof the social factist and social definitionist the sociological traditions, identifying insightsand difficulties the socialproblems We rule creation. sugliterature for deviance presents explaining difficulties be resolvedby lacingthe processwithina can gest that the theoretical The consequent dialecticalmodel of deviance framework. sociologyof knowledge is that society is composedof a numberof designation based on the assumption in of definitions deviance generalinterests varying degreesof conflictwithprevailing outcomes previous of This balanceor accommodation contests. becomes representing vulnerable with the introduction increasein strainwhich is a potentialresource or for inte rest a The groupsdesiring new definition. utcomeof the ensuingconflictis seen as dependent the abilityof the combatants employresources the battle. in on to We concludeby identifying advantages model has for studying deviance the the the rulecreation process. of This is how I treat theory: it is somethingto guide our understanding the social world; it helps us throughthe labyrinthof the buzzingconfusion of conflictingideologies, and, most of all, theory liberatesus from dead facts and worn-out myths. Davis 1980:xv) But since those sociologistswho espouse a strong and explicit determinism,and those who practice the techniquesof â€Å"verstehen,† â€Å"empathy,†and â€Å"takingthe actor'spoint of view,† differ upon so very many issues, technical and otherwise, the present suggestions are more likely to be treated as a pollution of the boundarybetween schools of thought than as a pathway to agreement. (Barnes, 1974:83-84) For decades the sociology of deviance focus ed on rule violation. This approach produced works on rule violators, described which rules were violated and how they were violated, and, arguably, why they were violated. Largely neglected in this work was the process by which rules were created; that is, the process by which deviant categories and designations were constructed. Recently scholars have begun to focus attention on this issue, resulting in various empirical case studies or rationales for the import of the collective definition process (Nuehring and Markle, 1974; Conrad, 1975; Pfohl, 1977; Spector and Kitsuse, 1977; Levine, 1978; Schneider, 1978; Markle and Troyer, 1979; Conrad and Schneider, 1980. As with many deviance studies, these efforts have not produced an explicit framework relating rule creation to the broader theoretical conceptions of social processes and the structural order. As a remedy, ? 1982 by The Sociological Quarterly. All rights reserved. 0038-0253/82/1300-0157$00. 75 *The authors thank Roland Chilton, Ronald Kramer, Frances McCrea, Joseph W. Schneider, Malcolm Spector, and Mayer Zald for their helpful comments. Ronald J. Troyer's address is Department of Sociology, Dr ake University, Des Moines, Iowa 50311. 158 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY Collins has called for a radicaldeparture deviancestudies,statfrom traditional ing that â€Å"thenext step clearlymustbe to abolishthe field of devianceentirely,to and link its materialswith what is knownof generalexplanations stratification of politics† (1975:17). And Davis (1980:5) has observedthat the time has come â€Å"for the sociology of deviance to move into mainstreamtheory–based sociology. † What theoreticalform ought these investigations take? The developments in sociologicaltheoryin the past few decadeshave been focusedaroundtwo dominant perspectives. The nature of these approachescan best be graspedby referringto Ritzer's (1975) distinctionbetween the social factist and social definitionist paradigms. The social factist is primarilyconcernedwith the cause of social phenomena; thus the questionasked is a why question. By contrast,since the social definitionist more concernedwith process,the researchquestionis a is how question. In studyingdeviance,for example,the social factistshave focused on behaviordescribing extent and natureasking†Whydo thesepeople do it? † its focusedon the process On the otherhand, the social definitionists have primarily Howhavethesepersons as asking by whichpeoplecometo be defined deviant the label? † acquired deviant have and Webelieve the theoretical of that efforts thefactists thedefinitionists been useful. Such work, though clearly the creationand social constructionof of scholars,is necessaryif the study of rule creationis to lead to generalizations wider applicability. Towardthat e nd, we reviewsome relevantliterature, develop creation a sociologyof knowledgeframework, then presenta macrodeviance and model which attemptsto bridge the gap between the factist and definitionist erspectives. Literature between PerhapsArmandMauss has best capturedthe essence of the difference the two majortraditionalapproachesto social problemstheory. The essence of the scholarlydisagreement, noted, came down to one grouparguingthat â€Å"sohe cial problems are ‘objective'realities which generate collective behavior and political action†versus the view that â€Å"socialproblemsare essentiallygenerated by collectivebehaviorand politicalprocesses†(1977:602, emphasisin original). The former closely approximatesthe social factist approach,while the latter the represents social definitionist position. Social factist scholarshave tended to explain social problemsas the product of some environmentally condition. This tradition, disharmonious usuallytermed the strain explanation,has often focused on economic conditions (Oberschall, between differentgoals, differentvalues, 1973) but also includes discrepancies values and norms, knowledgeand actions, technologyand values, and so forth (Smelser, 1962: chap. 3). Smelser,for example,indicatesthat â€Å"norm-oriented movements†(definedas attemptsto restore,protect,modify,or createnormsin the name of a generalizedbelief,† 1962:270) often springfrom the following kindsof strain: Sometimes the appearanceof new knowledge initiates a movement to apply this knowledge in order to eradicate a condition previously taken for granted. (1962: 287) CreatingDeviance Rules 159 can betweennormative and standards actualsocialconditions proAny disharmony videthe basisfor a movement whoseobjective is to modifynorms. 1962:289) it Davis (1975) used a strainmodel to explain changesin the collectivedefinition of deviance. Whileseeingdeviancedefinitions productsof powerstruggles as between groups with new rules representing values of those groups able to the win state endorsement their values, Davis suggeststhat â€Å"the diffusionof new of knowledgeis a majorcause of collective searchesfor new normsin the modern world†(1975:53). Although strain h as been a populartheoreticalapproachfor studyingsome social problems(e. g. race riots), few empiricalstudiesof deviancedesignation have followed from this tradition. PerhapsChamblisscame close in the study of the creation of new rules against vagrancy. In his words, â€Å"The vagrancy statutes emerged as a result of changes in other parts of the social structure† (1964:69). Specifically,the strain was the breakdownof the serf system; vagrancy laws were the responseof the rulingclass to protect their interestsand bring the system back to harmony. Zurcheret al. (1977) have also pointed to the crucial role of strainin the emergenceof antipornography crusades. In the communities amongstatus studied,they found that as a resultof inconsistencies variables,the traditionalmiddle class was experiencingthreatsto its life-style. were attemptsto the Consequently, effortsto gain new rulesagainstpornography bolster the legitimacyof their life-style. In other words, in the strain tradition of new definitionsof devianceare seen as responsesto the introduction various kindsof socialchangein society. Insteadof focusingon the causes of social problems,such as strain(objective traditionstressthat collective acconditions), scholarsin the social definitionist tions emergefrominteraction, processes. As Blumerstated: especiallyinterpretive â€Å"social problemslie in and are productsof a process of collective definition† (1971:301). Spector and Kitsuse (1977) pursuedthis theme with their argument that scholarsmust focus on the claims-making the process to understand emergenceof a social problemor definitionof deviance. This processtraditionhas spawneda varietyof empiricalstudies,often focusdefinitionsof deviance. The ing on the creationof criminaland health-related best known of these studies is Becker's (1963) analysisof the Marihuana Tax Act of 1937. Arguingthat there was no majorincreasein the actualuse of the drug, which would be the focus of a strain explanation,Becker attributesthe new rule to the activitiesof a â€Å"moralentrepreneur. † (For other interpretations, see Dickson, 1968; Galliherand Walker, 1977, 1978. ) Other studies have argued that juvenile courts were not created as a responseto increasesin delinquency,as the strainmodel would predict,but ratheras part of a moralcrusade of (Platt, 1969) or as the productof organizational conflictbetweensupporters the police and probationdepartments (Hagan and Leon, 1977). In two studies of sex offensedefinitions,Rose (1977) and Roby (1969) also emphasizeprocessualexplanations. Roby examinedchanges in the New York State penal law on prostitution and found that the relative power of numerous interest groups and individuals determined the final version of the act. Similarly, Rose related the rise of the â€Å"rape problem† to the ideology and organizations generated by the women's liberation movement. 160 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY of The status politics interpretation the temperancemovementby Gusfield in (1963, 1967) representsanotherone of the majorprocessualapproaches the literature. Basically,Gusfieldsuggeststhat the attemptsto have a behaviordesignated as deviantare often symbolicbattles†betweenopposedsystemsof moralities, culturesand stylesof life† (1963:173). In otherwords,it is not the behavior per se or social conditionswhich cause the attemptto label the behavioras deviant. Instead the designationof deviance must be seen as a productof status of for conflict,the competition the officialassignment honorand prestigethrough of legitimation groupnorms. The creationof new health-related of designations deviancehas been reviewed Conrad and Schneider(1980). These authorshave set forth a â€Å"sequential by of model† and â€Å"grounded on generalizations† the medicalization deviance. Following Spectorand Kitsuse,they emphasizethe import,and not the accuracy,of medicalclaims-making, view claims as strategicdevices, and view medicalization which reflectpolitics and demedicalization devianceas â€Å"cyclicalphenomena† of of the day. In the most recent processualanalysis,Schursuggeststhat deviancemust be seen as a politicalphenomenon. Arguingthat there are at least two sides in any stigmacontest, Schursuggeststhat what is really at stake in deviancedefinitions is the power of the respectivegroups. Since â€Å"power,of any sort, is more like a processthan an object† (1980:8), â€Å"deviancedefiningis not a static event but a continuousand changingprocess†(1980:66). In summary,the literaturereviewed above suggests two models for understandingthe collectivedefinitionof deviance. The process approacharguesthat collectivedefinitionsare the productof interestgroupdynamics. By contrastthe are is for, strainexplanation that societaldisjunctions responsible or at least play a majorrole in, the emergence new definitions. of BeyondDichotomousModels During the past decade, a numberof scholarshave attemptedto move beyond the raditionalstrainor processmodels. For example,Mauss (1975; Maussand of Wolfe, 1977) arguesthat new social problemsor new definitions devianceare best understoodas productsof social movementsled by interestgroups. In this view, social arrangements permit collective behaviorwhich usually focuses on structural strainsbroughtaboutby social change. Thoughmanys trainsare present in society, problem definitionis the product of interest groups organizing social movementswhich push for acceptanceof their definitionof reality. Resource mobilizationtheory is another attemptto move beyond the strain and process models. This framework begins with the assumptionthat society is composedof competinggroups (economic, status, racial,etc. ). Strainis always present,since thereis conflictamonggroupsover whichvalues,norms,economic and arrangements, so forth are to prevailin the society. Group conflictand the of social movementsare analyzedin terms of the abilityof the colemergence lectivities to create and mobilize resources (Oberschall, 1973). A dynamic element is introduced into the analysis: authorities as well as challengers possess resources; deployment by one side requires some kind of response (mobilization of additional resources) from the other side, lest the cause be defaulted. CreatingDeviance Rules 161 Marxistapproaches have also triedto move beyondstrainand processmodels. of Initially Marxist/conflict interpretations new rules defining deviance suggested that they were â€Å"firstand foremosta reflectionof the interestsof the governingclass† (Chambliss,1974:37). In this view â€Å"thestate and legal systemare seen as instruments which can be manipulated,almost at will, by the capitalist class† (Beirne, 1979:379), an approachillustratedby Platt's (1974) reinterpretation of the establishmentof the juvenile court as a conscious effort by SomeMarxcapitaliststo preserveexistingpoliticaland economicarrangements. ists have assigneda more ambiguous role to the state (Block, 1978), suggesting that it exercises a â€Å"relativeautonomy†in its relationship the capitalistclass to the enactmentof legislationis not alwaysin (Beirne, 1979:379). Consequently, the objectiveinterestsof the capitalistclass, â€Å"but each case must be examined from and empirically on its own merits†(Beirne, 1979:380). Whatis important, this position,is that all of this occurswithinthe boundaries providedby the prevailing structuralrelations. Lauderdaleand Inveraritycriticizedthe early conflict approachesfor inadequately examiningthe politicalprocessunderlyingthe creationof deviance. Arguingthat â€Å"devianceis socially definedand as such is and changedthroughpoliticalprocesses†(1980a:36), they created,maintained, ask underwhat conditionsa form of actioncomes to be definedas deviant(Lauderdale, 1980:v). Noting previousstudiesare characterized a â€Å"preoccupation by with subjectiveinterestsand lack of attentionto measuringobjectiveinterests† (1980b:229), they call for attentionto objectiveconditionsunderlyingthe deviance definitionprocess. These efforts are advancesover analyses which attributenew definitionsof devianceto social psychological processesor to the activitiesof individuals(moral entrepreneurs). Here, at least, an effortis made to locate the deviancewithin the larger social context. However, several issues remainunresolved. First, although recent effortshave attemptedto find a role for objectiveconditions,the remainsunclear. At role of strainin the generation new deviancedesignations of one group of scholars,the social definitionists, suggestobjectivecondipresent tions are largely irrelevant,while others (especially Lauderdaleand Inverarity, to 1980b) are callingfor moreattention objectivefactors. A second majorunresolvedproblemis that none of the collectivedefinitionof deviance approachesexplains why specific behaviorsare selected for deviance silent on this issue. Finally, In categorization. fact, the literatureis remarkably the approachesdiscussedabove do not yet explainwhy some deviancecreation effortsare unsuccessful. is in this contextthat we believe that resourcemobiliIt zation theory could prove valuable in the study of rule creationand deviance designation. Not only does it point toward relevantvariablesfor study, it also to providesan empiricalframework assess previousmovementsand predictthe successor failureof ongoingmovements. Any model or theory of deviance creation must addressthese issues. More into a more genspecifically,a way must be found to subsumethese differences eral model rendering theoreticalissues amenableto empiricalevaluation. Toward a Sociology of Knowledge Given its theoretical import, it seems to us that there have been inexplicably few 162 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY studiesof rule creation. Marxists,subsuming issue withinthe superstructure, the have focusedon the creationof laws whichmaintainruling-class privilege. Strain scholarstreat new rules as responsesto changedsocial conditions(new knowledge, Davis, 1975). Only process scholars have directly addressedthe issue, viewing collective definitionsof devianceas â€Å"emergent productsof an interpretive process† (Hawkins and Tiedman, 1975:340), but studies in this tradition have not produceda rigoroustheoreticalexplanation. Instead, isolated studies have been characterized descriptiveand idiosyncratic detail withoutconnecby or tion to socialstructure generalsocialprocesses. In theirstudyof the medicalization deviance,Conradand Schneider(1980) of a solutionto the interactionist the pose impasse. Although labeling-interactionist of perspectivepresentsus with the questionsto ask concerningthe development deviancedesignations,† they note (1980:20), â€Å"it is a sociologyof knowledgeapproachthat is necessaryto answerthem. â€Å"We thinkof the sociologyof knowledge knowlas a study of the materialbasis of social ideas, categories,designations, and so forth. From this frameworkthe dependentvariablechanges: no edge, longer do we studyth e deviantactor;ratherwe attemptto locate historicallythe origins and the social forces which supportedand opposed the definitionof the deviant category. As Friedsonhas stated, the analysisshouldnot focus on â€Å"the etiology of some state so much as the etiology of the meaningof a state. Thus it asks questionslike: How does a state come to be considereddeviant? How does it come to be considered kindof devianceratherthan another? † one (1970: 215-16). deviant To developtheirknowledgeapproach, Conradand Schneider interpret behaviorsas social constructionsof reality. Adopting Berger and Luckmann's as (1966) scheme,they view realityconstruction a social processof threestages: The processbegins with the and internalization. xternalization, objectification, of construction a culturalproductor definition a personor collectionof perby becomespartof the generallyacceptedbody sons, continuesas the new definition of knowledge,and concludesas the individualsin publictake the new definition for grantedas partof theirworldview. We applaudConradand Schneider's explicit sociologyof knowledgeand find their social constructionist approachinsig htful. Their analysisof the historical contribution a dimensionsof the medicalization deviancerepresents significant of in by placingdeviancedesignations the broadersocial context. At the sametime, we are uncomfortable with the apparentabsenceof a theoreticalmodel pointing to a more explicit method of data analysis. History is all aroundus; we need the guidanceto separate datafromthe noise. between In his Ideology and Utopia (1936), Karl Mannheimdistinguishes two types of sociologyof knowledge:†on the one hand a theoryand on the other hand an historical-sociological methodof research†(p. 266). As a theorywith the sociology of knowledgehas been pursuedvigepistemologicalimplications, orously. Its methodologicalimplicationshave, however, remainedunderdevelhimselflargelyignoredthe methodological aspectsof knowledge oped. Mannheim theory, though he did write that â€Å"the most important task of the sociology of knowledge at present is to demonstrate its capacity in actual research in the historical-sociological realm† (p. 306). The methodological implications of Mannheim's work have been pursued most CreatingDeviance Rules 163 rigorouslyby David Bloor in his 1976 book Knowledgeand Social Imagery. Bloor contendsthat our concernshouldbe phenomenological; method,howour scientific. Thesociologistis concernedwith knowlever, ought to be rigorously edge,† he writes, â€Å"purelyas a naturalphenomenon†¦ instead of definingit as true or false belief, knowledgefor the sociologist is whatevermen take to be knowledge†(p. 2). Given that knowledgeis relativeand historicallyunstable, Bloor's task is to elucidatethe materialbasis of its variation. To accomplishthis in task, he proposesa methodwhich he calls the â€Å"strong program† the sociology of knowledge,to wit, that our analysisought to be causal, impartial,and symmetrical. While sociologists would not want to argue that social factors are the sole cause of belief, they should focus on how social conditionsproduceand reflect belief. In demandingan approachwhich is â€Å"impartial with respectto truthand success or failure†(p. 5), Bloor is not advofalsity, rationalityor irrationality, catinga value neutralposition. The task is not to crownwinnersor punishlosers but to understandboth sides. In that sense, Bloor's sociology is agnostic. Ultito even irrelevant, mate truth,in any sense of the phrase,is seen as peripheral, the analysis. Finally the strong programdemandsa symmetrical analysis. Too often scholarshave attempted analyzedeviantand normalbeliefs from differto ent stances, the former needing special explanation,while the latter–seen as logical, rational,or truthful-are seen to need no specialexplanation. We are interestedin using the sociology of knowledgeas a methodological to guide, as a way of using historicalmaterials build rigorousmodels. In a sense, then, we use Mannheimand Bloor to build a theoreticalmethod for empirical methods,especiallyas it appliesto socialhistory, study. The notion of theoretical has been developedby Stinchcombe(1978; see also Graff, 1980). Good social theory, he asserts,must be groundedin historicaldata. â€Å"Peopledo much better the theory,†he argues,†wheninterpreting historicalsequencethanthey do when they set out to do ‘theory'† (p. 17) and â€Å"thatthe centraloperationfor building theories of history is seeking causally significantanalogiesbetween instances† of Thuswe aremost interested the methodological in implications the sociology of knowledge:as a way of pointingtowardvariables,as a way of using history, as a way-in short-of structuring analysis. Suchan analyticstrategy,as a macroand rigorousversionof groundedtheory,ought to allow us to relateprescopic vious theoriesof devianceand our data in an iterativesort of way and, thus, to build and evaluatea model of how deviantcategoriesare designated. A DialecticalModelof DevianceDesignation In attemptingto addressthe theoreticaland methodologicalissues raised, we propose a dialecticalmodel of deviance designation. The model, presentedin to however,it attempts transcend Figure1, is influenced resourcemobilization; by arany single theory. We begin with the assumptionthat within the structural is composedof a numberof generalinterestsin varying rangements, everysociety degreesof conflict. Such groupsmay be of varyingnature:with inclusiveor exin clusive membership, broad or narrowfocus. Their concernwith the definition (p. 7). Figure 1. A DialecticalModel of DevianceDefiniti General vested & other interests Definition i – +- Strain General vested & other interests S/ Specific interests CreatingDeviance Rules 165 question,however,is either peripheral,quiescent,or not effectivein the public arena. The initial or prevailingdefinitionof a behavioras acceptableor unacceptable representsthe outcome of previousspecific interestgroup conflict;in other words, the balanceof the resourcesthe two sides were able to mobilize. or This balance or accommodation becomes vulnerablewith the introduction increase of strain. This developmentprovides existing general interest groups with a new resourceand opportunity claims-making. for Specificinterestgroups towardthe specific (includingthe state) form,or mobilize,or becomeredirected issue in question. Faced with a challenge to their interests,groups benefiting from the prevailingdefinitionrespondby marshaling their own resources. The battle of these groups to maintainor change a rule is joined, the outcome dependingon the balance of the mobilizedresources. To speak of the â€Å"balanceof mobilized resources†should not be seen as merely suggestinga simplisticaccountingbalance. Of coursethe matteris muchmore complex. For example,the efficientemployment resources–usingresourcesin an arenawherethey have of maximal impact-may be just as importantas quantity. The net result is that over a periodof time, at time2,the originaldefinitionsurvivesor a new designation takesits place. for In explicatingthe model, we make the following arguments its utility in collectivedefinition deviance: of examining issues raisedin the 1. The model addressesor handlesmanyof the theoretical literature. For example, existing sociological explanations assign central importance to, or ignore, the role of strain. The dialectical model directs the scholar'sattentionto the role of strainbut does not preclude,in fact demands, examinationof other social processes. In addition,by viewing the state as an interestedparty, albeit a group with unique resources,it is possibleto examine official actions without assumingthe existence of an all powerfulmonolithical the definitional outcomes. Furthermore, modelpermitsanalysis entitydetermining and explanationof outcomeswhereneitherside achievestotal victory. in 2. The dialecticalmodel is consistentwith the â€Å"strong program† the sociology of knowledge. As Bloor (1976) has requested,this modelis causal,impartial, and symmetrical. Figure 1 is time ordered;that is, variablesappearin causal sequence with one another. Moreoverthese sequences are made explicit, thus data analysis. The model thus allowsfor attemptsat statisticalmodelfacilitating of processvariablesby techniquesdevelopedfrom social factisttraditions. ing The model treats deviance rule creationsas naturalphenomena. Whethera rule is good or bad is irrelevant our analysis. RecallingGusfield'sstudyof the to temperancemovement,the validityof analysiswas independentof truthclaims about alcohol. Whetherthe drug is actuallyan aphrodisiac,a depressant,or a tool of the devil was essentiallyirrelevantto his conclusions. Taking such an it agnosticpositionhas methodological implications: allowsfor the formalmodelvariables. Moreover,Bloor'slast dictum-that analysis ing of phenomenological be symmetrical–hasobvious implicationsfor the dialecticalmodel. Note that interestsfor or againstany definitionare handledin the same way, and have the same causal input into the model. 166 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY 3. The model is dialectical. The theoryis timelessand has no end stage. Figure 1 shows only one referenceframe. But upon acceptanceof â€Å"Definition2,† general vested or other interestsare alreadyin place, advocatingfor or againsta new definition. Though the theory is sequential,in the sense that it goes forwardin remainuntime, the units of time are not specified. Some deviancedesignations for long periods of time, others move more rapidlythroughstages of changed and vindication. Conradand Schneider,thinkingalong the same stigmatization of and demedicalization deviance the lines, have conceptualized medicalization as â€Å"cyclical†(1980:271). We preferto use the termdialectical,in that it leaves ratherthan suggestinga rethe directionof the next redefinition problematic as turnto an originalpoint. nor4. Deviance and normalcyare not distinctcategories. We conceptualize coordinatesystem. As a prescribed as a point in a multidimensional guide malcy for conduct, a rule designatesthe limits of space aroundthe point in which a behavioris seen as deviant. behavioris viewed as normal. Outsidethis boundary, Now we can justify using the terms â€Å"rulecreation†and â€Å"deviancedesignation† more or less synonymously. The formerrefersto the boundaryitself, whichmay be thick or fuzzy; the latter refers to the space outside the boundary. Any behavioralboundary,in our view, is subject to cultural,temporal,or situational between factorswhich continuously defineit, or redefineit. Thus is the boundary deviancy and normalcycontinuouslydrawnand redrawn,and a behavioralresituation,but ratherby definitionoccursnot by quantumleaps, as an â€Å"either-or† or pulled througha system of space. In the dialecticalmodel the being pushed as pushesor pulls aremanifested strainor process. and analyticintentions 5. The model is macroscopic. Our conceptualization the collectivelevel. We do not directlyconsider,for example,the are clearly at motivationsof an individualactor or leader. For two reasonswe down-playthe importof, or perhapseven ignore,such questionsas: Did leaderX makedecision or Y sincerelyor cynically? Is he or she a moralentrepreneur a typical (but not concernedsuburbanite? First,we doubt,in social factistlanguage, authoritarian) that such variablesexplainvery much variancein deviancedesignation. The individual,qua individual,role in collective, historicprocessesis always limited. To Our second reasonis methodological: the extentthat psychologicalvariables are important,how are they to be measuredor assessed? For historicalstudies, motivationseems particularly Secondarysources,as well as various problematic. kinds of documents,seem suspecthere. Even in contemporary settings,people's of their own or others'motivationsare not trustworthy, especiallygiven reports or the vested or strategicinterestswhich can be served by lying, exaggerating, selectivelyforgetting. Rather,we focus on such variablesas strainand resources over time. and which can be operationalized measuredcomparably 6. The dialecticalmodel uses history. The model invites, perhapseven demands, a given rule to be placed in historical context. Moreover the data needed to test the model are historical, preferably in time series, data. The model is shaped by these data and is thus grounded and inductive as Conrad and Schnei- CreatingDeviance Rules 167 der (1980:265) have suggested. In that sense the dialecticalmodel is meant to evaluate,as much as formallytest, historicalsequencesof data. 7. The model is conflictoriented,though not necessarilyMarxist. Many deviance designations,particularlythose formalizedas laws, are amenableto a Marxist analysis consistentwith the model. Large sums of money or other resources are often used by ruling elites for maintenanceof deviance definitions do or, less often, change. However,some deviancedefinitions not seem to fit the Marxistmodel (see Markle and Troyer, 1979, or Hagan and Leon, 1977, for two such case studies). In the dialecticalmodel, vested or other interests(religious, ethnic, sex, status,etc. ) can militatefor, and indeedbe successfulat, creat(uneming new definitionsof deviance. Similarlystrainmightbe substructural strain ployment,new technology,etc. ), but the model allows for superstructural (e. g. , new knowledge). Using the DialecticalModel As an inductivetheory,the true test of the dialecticalmodel is its utility. Let us and suggesta few ways, then, how the model mightbe operationalized used. We in begin with the concept of strain,which can be operationalized severalways. In our own researchon cigarettesmoking(Markleand Troyer,1979) and estrolegen replacements(McCrea and Markle, 1980), strainwas the appearance, or dissemination new knowledge; strainin our researchon Laetrile of gitimation, (Markle and Petersen, 1980) was, among other factors, an increasedconcern over cancer. As new health-related knowledgeclaims, strain can be measured with variousbibliometric techniques. A simple content analysisof relevantarticles, over a period of years, from Index Medicus can be used to chart such knowledgeclaims. The perceivedlegitimacyof such claims can be assessedby the professionalprestige of the author or journal. Finally, the entry of such knowledgeclaims into the public arena can be measuredusing the New York Times Index, which Jenkins and Perrow (1977) found highly effective,or by one of severalnewspaperdata banks (e. g. , Newsbank)now in existence. After looking at strain,it is easy enoughto identifyspecificinterestsinvolved in redefinition. Such organizations groups will have appearedas recipients, or sponsors,aggrievedparties,etc. , in news accountsor scholarlycitation. The resources of these groups can be measuredin severalways. The Encyclopediaof Associations, updated almost yearly, lists purportedmembershipsand other for simple demographics manysuchgroups. Moreover,most interestgroupshave which are usuallyeasy to obtain, often at literatureor even regularpublications no cost. When interests are corporate,much informationon resourcescan be gleaned from annual reports or, with somewhatmore effort, from regulatory In agenciessuch as the Securitiesand ExchangeCommission. ase studieswhere is an interestedparty, vast amounts of official statistics may be government available (see, e. g. , Markle and Troyer, 1979). Moreover,the researchercan use the Freedomof Information Act to obtain a deep windowinto government actions and resourcesin variousdeviancedesignations. Throughpublic records and other availabledata, every conce pt in the dialecticalmodel can be operationalized. Indeed,to measureresourcesin comparable ways, we have suggested of the development a researchprotocol (Markleand Petersen,1981). 168 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY A Final Word iancearecreated changed, beenneglected socialtheory research. and or in has We believethat neglectcomes from theoretical The misdirection. dialectical thesedifficulties. to model,whichis knowledge based,is ourattempt ameliorate Becauseit attempts integrate traditional the theoryinvites to two approaches, both philosophical- empirical-based and criticisms. Thoughwe welcomethe we The in interested thelatter. realtestof thedialectical former, areparticularly modelis whether works. it Andwhether not it workscan onlybe judged or by it holdingit up to the lightof, and adjudicating with,historicaland contemporary A crucialelementof social change and conflict,why and how definitionsof de- research. REFERENCES Barnes, Barry. 1974. ScientificKnowledgeand SociologicalTheory. London: Routledgeand Kegan Paul. 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Essay on Freedom of Speech - 1272 Words

Our forefathers worked to ensure we could enjoy civil liberties that they were unable to under British rule. In the First Amendments one of the liberties detailed is freedom of speech, specifically in that Congress will not enact a law that is â€Å"abridging the freedom of speech.† In 1925 the Supreme Court ruled that the First Amendment applies to each state ensuring that the constitutional right to free speech is protected from interference by the government. Freedom of speech can only be upheld so long as the content of which does not violate the law. In 2002 a high school senior, Joseph Frederick, revealed a banner for the Olympic Torch Relay while it was in town on its journey to the winter games. The banner read â€Å"Bong Hits 4†¦show more content†¦It was because the banners pro-drug message contradicts the school districts own drug policy. Its easier to agree with censorship when its to hinder a message encouraging illegal behavior, but what about legal beh aviors? Religion in school has been a legal issue since 1948 in the McCollum v. Board of Education case in which a nonreligious student was punished and singled out during a religious instruction. Why does the First Amendment state â€Å"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof† and yet student-led prayers at school functions are banned by court order in the Santa Fe Independent School District? Annie Laurie Gaylor wrote, â€Å"It is dishonest to call any prayer voluntary that is encouraged or required by a public official or legislature. By definition, if the government suggests that students pray, whether by penning the prayer, asking them to vote whether to pray, or setting aside time to pray, it is endorsing and promoting that prayer† (Gaylor 680). 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PublicRead MoreSpeech On Freedom Of Speech3937 Words   |  16 PagesZhiyuan Li Philosophy 2367 Freedom of Speech A couple of months ago, University of Chicago’s president Robert J. Zimmerin expressed his concern about freedom of speech on campus in a Wall Street Journal article: Free speech is at risk at the very institution where it should be assured: the university †¦ Invited speakers are disinvited because a segment of a university community deems them offensive, while other orators are shouted down for similar reasons. Demands are made to eliminate readings thatRead MoreFree Speech : Freedom Of Speech1403 Words   |  6 PagesFREE SPEECH Freedom of speech is perhaps the most precious tenets of liberal democracies accorded to the citizens of the free world. The United States, and the rest of the Western society is known to be the cradle of democratic principles, and this can be evidenced by the level of freedom accorded to the citizens of the United States and the West in terms of speech. The freedom of speech gives an individual an opportunity to speak his or her mind and also give his or her opinion, sometimes on veryRead MoreFreedom Of The Media And Freedom Of Speech1540 Words   |  7 Pageswhen Socrates was forced to drink poison for his â€Å"corruption of youth† (Mette), which can be seen as silencing one man for the betterment of everyone, but there is always an ample amount of opinions on such a controversial topic as Freedom of the press, or Freedom of Speech. Many nations today believe that very strict and regulated system of governing the media and entertainment is the best answer, such as China, w here â€Å"censorship was considered a legitimate instrument for regulating the moral and politicalRead MoreFree Speech Or Freedom Of Speech Essay911 Words   |  4 PagesIntroduction America is known as The Land of Freedom, basically we are entitled for legal freedom to do whatever we wanted to. However, the freedom of speech has been challenged by many university students and educators recently. In their argument, they believe that free speech has triggered students’ unhappiness and jeopardize campus’ safety. What is the free speech or freedom of speech? According to dictionary, freedom of speech is the right of people to express their opinions publicly withoutRead MoreFreedom of Speech3842 Words   |  16 PagesFreedom of speech Freedom of speech  is the freedom to speak freely without  censorship. The synonymous term  freedom of expression  is sometimes used to indicate not only freedom of verbal speech but any act of seeking, receiving and imparting information or ideas, regardless of the medium used. In practice, the right to freedom of speech is not absolute in any country and the right is commonly subject to limitations, such as on hate speech. The right to freedom of speech is recognized as a  humanRead MoreFreedom Of Speech : Speech And Expression898 Words   |  4 PagesWhen the words, â€Å"freedom of speech† are uttered today, it brings about much conflict and tension. The vagueness of the First Amendment is a pretty good indication of how different times were back when the Constitution and everything along with it were created. Back then, all the Founding Fathers wanted was the establish a democracy using the lessons they had learned from the tyranny of the British King. They wanted more freedom and power to the people. In the modern era, everything has changed, and